Do Gun Control Laws Actually Improve Community Safety?
October 18, 2023
Each year, nearly 40, 000 people are killed from gun related crime in the US. Part of this is owed to the fact is that there are more guns in circulation than the population (nearly 393 million to be exact), contributing to over 200 gun-related deaths and injuries daily. These deaths take the form of suicide and homicide, where the US represents 35% of global firearm suicides and 9% of global firearm homicides despite making up only 4% of the world’s population. Although one would surmise that these facts are understood by legislators and law enforcement officials, there remain heated discussions around gun control regarding the need to implement stricter gun laws across the industry. This debate is rooted in one key question: does gun control work?
The conclusion I have arrived at is that certain types of gun control work. This means that it’s largely dependent on the type and the strength of the gun control law, as well as the kind of law enforcement strategies used. With this understanding, my goal in this piece is to unpack the effects of gun control laws to comparatively assess what forms of gun control work.
Identifying the Reasons Gun Control Advocates Desire Gun Laws
“The research is clear: gun laws work.” This is a quote from Giffords Law Center, an organization dedicated to saving lives from gun violence. The quote in and of itself embodies the goal of community safety. Notably, community safety is a goal of gun rights and gun law advocates alike; but in the context of gun control advocates it’s a direct response to the negative implications of relaxed, gun-positive laws. In relation to this, it’s often the case that these laws provide opportunities for legal weapons to enter the illicit market. But in any case, guns capacitate harm in a number of areas that control advocates seek to prevent. These areas include suicide, gun thefts, mass shootings, gun trafficking, and violent crime. I discuss these areas in greater detail in the forthcoming sections.
Preventing Suicide
For starters, suicide makes up the majority of gun related deaths in the US. In 2021, the CDC reported that 54% (26,328) of all gun related deaths were suicides, making for a rate of 7.9/100,000. To make matters worse, the CDC also reported that guns were the preferred choice for over half of all suicides, while overall, gun suicides rose 10% between 2019 and 2021. The scale of suicide in the US becomes even more troublesome when it’s framed in a global context. In this regard, a 2018 study analyzing data from 1990 to 2016 found that despite accounting for just 4% of the world’s population, the US accounts for 35% of global gun suicides.
The data on gun-related suicides suggests that, in actuality, self-inflicted harm through gun use poses the greatest threat to psychological and physical safety. In saying this, some may question whether decreasing the circulation of, and access to, guns would directly decrease suicides overall. Certainly, it’s possible that people would use other means; however, studies have shown that gun prevalence is positively associated with total suicides and gun suicide rates. As such, we can say that gun control laws would certainly limit the amount of gun related and total suicides.
Part of the reason suicide is used as an argument by gun control advocates is because gun suicides are usually committed in the victim’s home with a gun owned by the victim. In many circumstances these guns are legally obtained, meaning that safe storage, and the time added to assemble and load the firearm would do little prevent the suicide. So, removing the access of individuals who may use it for self-harm becomes important.
Reducing Gun Thefts
Another issue gun control advocates want to prevent are gun thefts. Many studies (some of which I have unpacked in a prior chapter) have demonstrated that illegal guns start off with legal owners. However, these guns are often stolen from legal owners. In fact, gun thefts from legal owners are likely the most prominent method to obtaining illegal guns. Gary Kleck confirms this in a study where he interviewed inmates convicted for gun related offences. When asked if they believed that their most recently acquired handgun was stolen, 46% said it was definitely stolen (32% of which had stolen it themselves), and 24% said that it was “probably stolen.” Taken together, this indicates that potentially 70% of guns in relation to these criminal offences were stolen. Applying this statistic to society reinforces the notion that legal possession of guns creates opportunities for many criminals to steal and use them for criminal and dangerous purposes.
If we consider that stolen guns can be used for mass shootings then the cost to society increases. This isn’t merely a hypothetical. For example, a study by Kleck assessed the largest school mass shootings just before and after Columbine. He found that the guns used in four of the seven largest-scale school mass shootings during this time were stolen by the shooters. Again, what we can glean from this is that one of the consequences of legal ownership is the creation of opportunities for theft and illegal use which indirectly (and unintentionally) fuel violent crime. Should it be the case that people are prohibited from owning guns, then then its absence in the home means that there is nothing to steal. The chain effect here is disrupted because it’s prevented from entering the illicit market which aids in preventing gun crime.
Preventing Mass Shootings
The reference to Columbine and mass shootings leads to a larger conversation on preventing atrocities through gun restrictions. In the prelude to the story on gun control, I discussed how mass shootings have surged in the US over recent years. Data from the Visual Capitalist and the Gun Violence Archive indicate that from 2014 to 2019 there was an average of 349 mass shootings yearly. In contrast, from 2020 to 2022, the yearly average nearly doubled to 649, with the five deadliest mass shootings having occurred within the last 15 years. This provides an added justification for gun control advocates to call for greater restrictions.
Crippling Gun Trafficking and Gun Show Loopholes
Both gun trafficking and gun shows have the ability the floods the illegal market with firearms, ultimately fueling street wars both domestically and internationally. So, the harm caused by access to guns isn’t limited to US, but in fact has an international footprint, being traced to Canada and developing nations like Brazil.
Some have argued that gun shows (events where gun dealers and private sellers sell their firearms) have a distinct impact on gun trafficking and gun violence. This is because private sellers will sell their guns to people who don’t have gun permits. On the surface this presents as a gross mistake and case of negligence; but the thing is, this is perfectly legal. Restrictions in relation to gun transfers such as background checks for potential buyers are governed by the Brady law, and the Brady law is only intended to apply to transfers involving federally licensed dealers (such as U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms). Private transfers, which don’t involve a federal licensee, tend not to be regulated by federal gun controls. This means that the location where a private transfer takes place is legally irrelevant.
In the case of state law, it’s often the case that transfer laws and purchasing requirements differ from state to state, where southern states don’t require background checks or ID to purchase a privately sold gun. This ‘loophole’ provides an opportunity for criminals to purchase guns in open spaces. So, gun control restrictions can reduce the amount of guns purchased from gun shows while the gun trafficking market can be crippled.
Reducing Violent Crime
Violent crime is likely the issue that comes to the forefront when discussing what gun control advocates are trying to prevent or mitigate. In 2021, 80% of the murders (20,958) in the US involved a gun. What’s troubling here is that that Black and Latino people are significantly impacted by gun crime in the US. So, the goal is to decrease violent crime with a particular emphasis on innocent victims and racialized people by reducing the circulation and ownership of guns.
Taken together, the cumulative effects of gun related problems are powerful reasons to desire restrictive gun control measures. However, the intent to protect and have safe communities is also used as a rationale from gun rights advocates to allow people to own and carry firearms. This idea of community safety largely functions as a universal and moral value. So, the conversation then shifts to the question: is gun control effective and the best way keep our communities safe and protected?
Is Gun Control Effective?
Through my research I’ve come to the conclusion that it’s intellectually dishonest to holistically state that gun control either works or doesn’t work. In analyzing gun control literature I certainly found that there were studies that stated that gun control didn’t work overall, yet they documented that specific types of gun control yielded positive results. In comparing these results with researchers who found that overall gun control was effective, an intellectually honest conclusion is that only certain types of gun control laws and strategies work. The literature demonstrates that the effect is largely contingent upon context, the type of gun control measure, and the scope of gun rights.
In researching various topics I always try to maintain a healthy level of skepticism that questions the motivation for an individual’s research, and what stakeholders they may be tied to. Here, I noticed that Gary Kleck shows up in numerous studies and periods of research reporting that gun control doesn’t work. What’s interesting is that in reporting these results he has found that certain types of gun control work, but he seems to bury these results with the general claim that gun control is virtually ineffective. This may very well be a coincidence based off of true and unbiased findings. However, it may also be the case that these studies are politically motivated to maintain the gun industry given its economic contributions. In any case, it remains something to consider in understanding impact.
For the purposes of our understanding, to effectively understand the impact we must carefully assess whether certain types of gun control measures reduce the gun related problems discussed above, these being suicide, gun thefts, violent crime, mass shootings, and gun trafficking.
Permits and Background Checks
In a study by Kleck and associates that assesses if gun control reduces violent crime, the researchers analyzed every US city with a population of at least 25,000 people in 1990. They assessed the impact of 19 major types of gun control laws (which they don’t specify). The study seemed to reveal that overall, gun control laws didn’t have an effect on crime rates and lacked a net positive effect on violence rates. They surmised that this may be because most laws don’t disarm significant numbers of people committing violent crimes who often tend to own illegal guns. I’ve found this to be a compelling point. In some cases they found that a few laws had some effect; however, they suggested that these laws were just as likely to increase violence as they were to reduce violence.
In terms of laws that were noteworthy in the study’s findings, it was noted that requiring a license to possess a gun and bans on purchases of guns by alcoholics seemingly reduced the rates of homicide and robbery. Weaker evidence suggested that bans on gun purchases may reduce assault and robbery rates. So if we reflect back to the question of whether gun control is effective, in this regard what worked was background checks, licenses for authorizing gun possession, and permits for purchasing guns help to screen out potentially dangerous people. But with these findings the researchers added the caveat that gun control laws may be just as likely decrease violent crime as it is to increase violent crime because these laws disarm potential victims.
In another study Kleck and his associates again assessed the effects of gun control and gun ownership on the levels of violent crime. Similarly they found that gun prevalence levels had no net positive effect on total rates of violence. They also found the following: the homicide, gun assault, and rape rate increase with gun prevalence; gun control restrictions have no net positive effect on gun prevalence levels; and most gun control restrictions generally have no effect on the rate of violent crime. A key finding was that an increase in guns increases the amount of robberies where a gun is used, and decreases the amount of robberies where a gun is not used. But overall, the rate of robberies remains the same. With both studies my critique is that they don’t provide the various gun laws assessed that were found to be ineffective, but this only presents one side of the literature.
On the side of gun control advocacy, we can look to Giffords Law Center which has found that generally stricter laws lead to lower levels of gun death. Giffords conducts a mapping exercise that grades states in relation to their gun control measures. At large, the pattern certainly suggests that gun control is effective as states with stricter laws generally have lower levels of violent crime; however, like Kleck’s 1990 study, the types of law aren’t addressed, just the overall strictness. In terms of specific gun control laws seen as effective, a 2020 study by Michael Siegel analyzed the impact of state-level gun laws on homicide rates by race and ethnicity. Siegel found that two laws were significantly associated with lower homicide rates among Black and white populations: general permit requirements for the purchase of firearms, and strict permit requirements for concealed firearms. For Black and Latino populations, violent misdemeanor laws were associated with lower Black and Latino homicide rates. At large, the fundamental takeaway was that laws that regulate who has access to guns appear to be more effective than regulation of the type of guns that people can obtain. Nonetheless, patterns can be drawn between the studies from Siegel and Kleck in relation to permits and licenses, and at large, background checks being that it regulates who has access to guns.
Hot Spot Policing
Given that the ultimate goal of gun control is to curb gun related issues, gun control isn’t only about restrictive laws. It’s also about law enforcement strategies. Strategies that have been used in the past include increased policing (in terms of officers and visit frequency) in areas with high levels of crime, or, what’s known as “hot spots”. In a hot spot study published in 1995, researchers in Kansas City examined the effects of gun seizures on gun violence in hot spots over six-months. The hot spot in question had a homicide rate 20 times greater than 1991 national average. In the same year the area also had 17 armed robberies and 142 aggravated assaults with guns. Increased and targeted patrol of the hot spot produced a 65% increase in guns seized by the police, resulting in a 49% decline in gun crimes in the area. Overall, during the study period, drive-by shootings, homicides, and crimes involving guns declined. Comparatively, outside of the focus area, both gun crimes and guns seized remained the same in analogous communities several kilometers away, and once the intervention was over, gun crime gradually increased.
The key takeaway here is that hot spot policing worked. However, I’d be remiss to not flag that the tactics used were questionable. They reported the use of safety frisks during car stops for traffic violations and a variety of other “techniques.” This led to a tripling of the number of guns found in car checks during the experimental period, leading to 76 guns being seized in comparison to 46 in the six months before the study period. Similar tactics have been used in New York where police carded people and conducted safety frisks for out-of-sight driving offenses. They also stopped drivers in certain areas repeatedly because of their race—in some cases finding odd reasons to search people believing that the ends justified the means. In many of these cases, it worked. Violent crime indeed decreased. The issue is that the process violated the human rights of many innocent people through discriminatory policing practices that also shaped societal and law enforcement perspectives of who criminals are.
Punishment and Prison Sentences
One of the most prominent gun control strategies focused on reducing violent crime, gun trafficking, and mass shootings is the implementation and enforcement of punitive measures. This materializes through increased prison sentences and lower thresholds in considering what qualifies as a crime to deprive offenders of their liberty. There are four beliefs that the punitive strategy pushes: deterrence, rehabilitation, restitution, and incapacitation (removing offenders from society to ensure it remains safe). It’s believed that these elements add a cost to committing crime—one that people will be unwilling to pay. However, decades of research indicates that punitive mechanisms, specifically prison, does none of these effectively. I refer to the research of Neil Morgan whose study of mandatory prison sentences in Australia during the 90s showed that crime rates were unaffected. Research from Lukas Muntingh on North American and European prisons arrived at a similar conclusion, finding that the number of offenders imprisoned doesn’t appear to have a direct and noticeable effect on violent crime rates. If prison has an insignificant effect on crime in general, it’s likely to be the case that the same can be said about its effect on gun related crime.
With respect to the deterring force of prison, quantitative and qualitative research has shown that gun offenders tend not to think of prison when purchasing or using illegal guns, because the cost of prison is outweighed by their need for protection or other uses. Surely the argument can be made that if prison wasn’t to exist that crime rates would be higher. However, this doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t innovate methods to attain the results prison was initially intended to do.
Gun Magazine Capacity Limits
Magazines store the cartridges for a gun. In many cases magazines for semi-automatic firearms and handguns allow for 5 to 10 cartridges or rounds. The problem is that today, guns can easily be customized to carry larger magazines, allowing for more rounds. Still, capacity limits have been used in the US to restrict the amount of rounds individuals have in their guns.
The logic around capacity limits has been questioned and painted as ineffective for a number of reasons. The first reason goes back to the conversation of illegal vs legal firearms. Magazine capacity limits seek to legally restrict the amount of rounds in a gun, largely applying to legal gun owners and carriers. However, manufacturers can still produce high capacity magazines, and illegal gun owners can access these through a variety of means. What’s more, gun and violent crime are closely tied to illegal gun ownership. If an individual owns an illegal gun, the stipulation of a capacity limit is highly unlikely to be relevant to their gun use because it wouldn’t be legally owned.
Some have also called into question the idea that magazine capacity limits can prevent mass shootings. In relation to Columbine and Sandy Hook, Kleck argued that capacity limits are ineffective because the killers could have simply used multiple guns with ordinary ammunition capacities and reload when the cartridge was empty. He also argued that these mass shootings were planned in advance so the killers would have carefully thought about how to maximize the guns and cartridges they had. He argued that this also meant that capacity limits couldn’t have prevented them from using alternative strategies to cause damage in a one-off massacre.
Despite these arguments, a number of researchers have suggested that bans on large capacity magazines is most effective in relation to studies of the 1994 crime bill. A 2020 study found that assault weapon bans were associated with fewer fatal mass shootings, but the relationship wasn’t statistically significant. However, a simultaneous ban on large capacity magazines showed a reduction in fatal mass shootings. So, limits on magazine capacities can decrease the amount of fatal mass shootings given that shooters choose gun features that allow them to cause the most damage.
Safe Storage
A significant amount of guns are stolen from legal owners and used illegally for criminal purposes. But the purpose of safely storing a gun is twofold: to ensure people and children who are ill-equipped and potentially reckless from accessing the gun and causing harm; and, to prevent gun thefts by removing it from open spaces where it is evident that an individual is a gun owner. There is one key point that safe storage in the US fails to consider: many gun owners only got them to protect themselves. The issue is that safe storage hampers their ability to protect themselves should an individual break into their house, which may actually lead to violent crime through gun theft. This is important because in 1994, a national survey estimated that there were 2.5 million defensive gun uses against criminals, 73% of which were in or near the victim’s home. Here gun rights advocates have argued that this could actually increase the violent crime rate as gun owners wouldn’t be able to defend themselves. The thing is, gun ownership has decreased since 1994. So, the amount of defensive uses will have naturally decreased. Also, the report of defensive uses doesn’t account for instances when the claim of self-defense was misused, and how many people were repeat ‘defensive’ shooters. So, although many purchase guns for protection, the bulk of the population don’t own one and largely remain safe. In this case, outside of the contextual considerations of gun ownership in rural areas, it would seem that defensive arguments for gun ownership aren’t as relevant as one would think.
With respect to protecting children, Kleck found that gun accidents rarely involve preadolescent children, as in 2003, 51 of the 730 fatal gun accidents in the US had victims younger than 13. Although this was the case, my critique here is that it doesn’t consider how many incidents weren’t fatal, and the idea that safe storage mitigates accidental or intended injuries and property damage. It’s impossible to know how many of these cases were prevented through safe storage, but one could surmise that if there was no obligation to safely store guns that more of these incidences would happen in addition to increased gun thefts. So although the focus and argument is on how safe storage may actually increase violent crimes as legal owners can’t defend themselves, I would argue that it protects people against accidental injuries and killings, and also decreases suicides among non-owners in households. This outweighs the defensive purposes given that gun suicide is a slightly larger issue than gun homicides.
Assault Weapon Bans
Another approach is to ban assault weapons. There isn’t a universal definition for assault weapons. However, gun experts suggest it’s a high-powered semiautomatic firearm that allows for larger magazine capacities and rapid fire. Semi-automatic guns can fire one shot per trigger pull, but the cartridge is automatically reloaded without additional effort by the shooter. The velocity at which each round is fired is far more powerful than a handgun, often leading people to categorize assault weapons as military grade guns. Some assault weapon ban advocates have suggested that they can easily be turned into fully automatic weapons, allowing them to be fired like machine guns.
When it comes to assault weapons bans, research that opposes this is rooted in arguments about the practicality of assault weapons being used in mass shootings and violent crime. These arguments are most prominent from Kleck. Kleck suggests that the shooter’s ability to accurately aim and shoot is limited with an assault weapon given that only an expert is able to do this with an assault weapon. These are instances he has argued are extremely unlikely to be the case during a mass shooting or street related gun violence.
Assault weapons allow for higher capacity magazines (approximately 30). But Kleck argues that they’re routinely sold with magazines only allowing for 10 rounds. His belief seems to suggest that because it’s legally sold with a capacity limit that people won’t be able to easily customize it. In the scenario that they could, he pushes the rationale that shooters would logically use a revolver over an assault weapon because they can fire more rounds much faster, or carry more guns. The problem with this thinking is that Kleck and likeminded advocates rely on the statistical unlikelihood of shooters being experts of shooting high-powered guns. However, an untrained individual using a high-powered gun can still cause significant damage and kill many despite lack of aim, especially if fired in large crowds or enclosed environments. Statistically, the damage, if a victim is shot with an assault weapon, would be much greater than a regular gun. But Kleck’s logic seems to assess the likelihood of it being used as opposed to the realistic damage it could cause.
At the point that Kleck made this argument, assault weapons in mass shootings may have been uncommon. But in 2022, the very weapon Kleck and likeminded advocates suggested was “irrelevant to preventing mass shootings” caused extreme havoc in Buffalo, New York, and Uvalde, Texas. In both cases the shooters used AR-15 style rifles with high-capacity magazines. In Uvalde, the shooter had seven 30-round magazines, and only carried one rifle into the school. The shooting ended with 21 dead and 17 injured. In Buffalo the shooter’s AR-15 was modified (something Kleck ignored because AR-15’s aren’t sold this way) to accept high-capacity magazines, with the magazines that he carried allowing for 30 rounds and the result being 13 people shot and 10 killed. So, certainly mass shootings of this degree are unlikely. It could even be said that the use of assault weapons in these scenarios is also unlikely; but the question is, do we need a statistically significant finding to justify banning a gun that, if used, can cause this much damage? And if it can cause this much damage, what place does it have in society?
Kleck only provides anecdotal positions. In contrast, there are a number of studies that assess the impact of assault weapon bans. One of these is a 1999 study that assessed the impact of the Crime Control Act of 1994 assault weapons ban over a three year period in the US. Despite that fact that assault weapons were rarely used in violent crime, they found that criminal use of the banned guns declined. The study concluded that the ban may have contributed to a reduction in the gun murder rate and the murder of police officers by criminals with assault weapons. However, it failed to lower the average number of victims per gun murder incidents.
Another study on the Crime Control Act of 1994 funded by the Department of Justice found that the ban’s success in reducing crimes committed with the guns banned was “mixed.” However, gun crimes involving assault weapons declined. Through the late 90s this effect was offset by the use of other guns equipped with large capacity magazines.
The mixed effects is supported by the research of Grant Duwe who found that after controlling for population growth, the assault weapons ban didn’t appear to have much effect on the number of mass shootings compared to a pre-ban period with the 10 years the ban was in effect. However, the number of people killed after the ban expired increased. In this regard, coinciding with the ban period, the lowest 10-year average in mass shooting rates was between 1996 and 2005. Likewise, a study published in 2020 by Daniel Webster and colleagues found that assault weapon bans were associated with fewer fatal mass shootings, but the relationship wasn’t statistically significant. As mentioned earlier, a simultaneous ban on large capacity magazines showed a reduction in fatal mass shootings, indicating that there is a relationship between weapon features (mainly ammunition capacity) and how many people are shot, because shooters select features that will allow them to attack as many people as possible.
Recognizing the mixed nature of the research, there are still patterns identified. Although the effect wasn’t significant, the following can be said: there were reductions in the gun murder rate (specifically involving assault weapons and large capacity magazines); there were fewer fatal mass shootings; and, the gun violence rate increased after the ban. This would suggest that there was some effect. The question becomes, if there wasn’t a significant reduction (but a reduction nonetheless) in the gun murder rate, was there a simultaneous increase in gun related injuries given that a ban on assault weapons removed an extreme fatal weapon off of the market? This could be the case given that criminals will simply replace it with less lethal guns. But overall, it would seem that a permanent ban on assault weapons and the destruction (and compensation) of current assault weapons could have some impact on all gun related crises.
Key Takeaways
So where does this leave us? Overall we started this piece with one question: does gun control work? We asked this question to understand if gun rights advocates have reasonable foundation for alleviating restrictive measures in direct relation to making society safer. The conclusion I have arrived at is that certain types of gun control work.
One of the biggest things that needs to be considered is how we are disarming criminals and the likely perpetrators of gun crime who primarily own illegal guns. But as opposed to laws that both effectively and directly target illegal gun ownership, it’s often the case that gun control legislation largely disarms legal owners, or at the very least, makes it harder for people to legally own guns. Certainly there is an indirect effect on illegal gun owners. However, to disarm criminals and perpetrators of gun crime, we must understand why these people are driven to own or sell illegal guns. In chapter 2 of the gun control story I discussed this phenomena. I used three broad categories to characterize these motivations, these being protection, profit motive, and criminal activity. I consider these categories to be part of the assessment criteria for gun control policies, given that illegally owned firearms are the biggest drivers of gun related crime.
In terms of laws, patterns in related to restrictions that worked—whether they had a weak or strong effect—were permits and licenses, and at large, background checks (being that it regulates who has access to guns). This had a particular impact among Black populations who saw lower homicide rates, which we know are also heavily impacted by gun crime. We also saw that a ban on assault weapons and large capacity magazines can lower the amount of deaths in mass shootings and street crime. Based on the research, this is likely because criminals will substitute their guns with lower capacity and less fatal guns, meaning more people will be injured as a result of a shooting as opposed to murdered. Hot spot policing was also effective as a strategy. It produced more gun seizures, reduced homicides, and reduced drive-bys. My reservation and caveat with hot spot policing is that it can quickly blur the lines between discriminatory policing tactics and overarching crime reduction strategies. Hot spot policing, if used, should be sure to avoid discriminatory practices, but may be effectively used at the border given that many illegal guns are smuggled at the border crossing.
Beyond the results of the studies, if we refer back to the three categories that motivate people to own illegal guns, I would argue that these policies would have a mid-tiered impact on illegal gun ownership levels and use. At large, each of the policies and strategies found to be effective work by reducing the amount of prospective guns in circulation. Naturally this would limit the amount of guns that flow onto the illicit market. To a degree, this may lightly reduce protection and criminal activity motivations given that illegal gun owners (who may own guns for for street related activities and survival) in aggregate will be reduced. This means that justifications to own one because opponents own one may decrease over time. With respect to the profit motive, again, being that these restrictions reduce the flow of prospective firearms, it may be the case that increased demand will cause prices for illegal guns to increase because of limited supply. This means that these methods may not address profit motive. But decreased supply and the associated chain of effects has clearly demonstrated positive results in reducing the homicide rate and the amount of deaths in a mass shooting. Overall, this would suggest that although the profit motive may not be able to be fully addressed through restrictions and punitive measures. However, it could positively impact gun violence levels.
I also want to note that much of these gun control restrictions apply to prospective purchases of guns. They don’t seem to apply retroactively to previously purchased or currently owned guns. This means that with a significant amount of guns already in circulation, the impact will not be as significant outside out hot spot policing and gun confiscations. Certainly this is something that needs to be addressed, however, it’s difficult to, in good conscience, enforce a law that retroactively removes guns from responsible owners. Buy-back programs and the like may be of use in this regard.
I noticed a lack of research geared towards the effects of gun control on suicide and accidental shootings. Most of the literature focused gun related homicides and mass shootings. This is important because it’s unlikely that these cases will involve assault style weapons and large capacity magazines given that they will be close-range, self-inflicted shots. It’s also troubling given that the majority of gun-related deaths are suicides, with guns being the preferred choice for suicide victims. In relation to accidental or child related incidences, what matters is safe storage. The same can’t be said in relation to suicides given that suicide victims may be the legal owners of the gun. At the very least, permits and background checks may assist with understanding the psychological soundness of individuals.
Overall, I offer these approaches as solutions based on the research because we must understand a few things. The first is that we have to deal with gun issues pragmatically. What this means is that some may be looking for solutions that ban and destroy all guns. Frankly, I don’t believe that this will ever happen in the US. In part, this is because this is incompatible with their 2nd amendment right, which is often interpreted as their right to own and operate guns, which shall not be abridged or curtailed.
The second is that in the US there are states that have strict gun laws and others with relaxed gun policies which allow guns to travel from relaxed locations to strict locations on the illicit market because of the demand and profit. So, unless all states, decide to enact similar restrictions or the Federal branch legislates restrictive gun control (both of which won’t happen), gun violence will always be an issue.
The third takeaway is that we can’t just use restrictive and punitive laws to address gun crime. They need to be accompanied by law enforcement strategies like hot-spot which can be effective. The issue here is that it leads to questions of discriminatory policing tactics that targets Black people by nature of where they live. Thus, even if it works, the community will feel like a society under lockdown and government supervision, which other communities with lower levels of gun crime don’t experience. So, all strategies need to be interrogated to ensure the ends don’t justify the means.
At large, the encompassing of strategies means that we also need to understand why people have guns, with a focus on the illegal ownership. I addressed these reasons in an earlier chapter. An active and constantly evolving understanding of this could help us to use community-based strategies to build economic tax bases and communities. I reference the economic and financial base of these people because it is highly unlikely that educated and meaningfully employed individuals would need guns to live their lives. Should we choose to put greater emphasis on this area, the illegal reasons for owning a gun (profit motive, protection, and criminal activity) will see a reduction. The issue is that we don’t prioritize this—often using prison and police as alternative mechanisms to address these issues. The final thing to consider is that inevitably any approach will seek to balance societal harm with sport and industry given their traditional role and the financial contribution to our economy. But what we are confronted with is a decision between personal freedom and public safety. I would argue that gun control should start with stricter regulations federally to map out the long-term impact.