Racial Discrimination in Canada (PART 2): Racial Disparities in Arrests and Charges in Toronto

March 16, 2022

Shaquille Morgan

In July 2020, Scot Wortley and Maria Jung submitted a report to the Ontario Human Rights Commission titled, Racial Disparity in Arrests and Charges: An Analysis of Arrest and Charge Data from the Toronto Police Service. In the same month a second report was submitted to the Commission by Scot Wortley, Ayobami Lanlyonu, and Erick Laming titled, Use of Force by the Toronto Police Service. I draw on these studies for my evaluation of the Toronto Police Service (TPS). Overall, these studies find evidence of racial discrimination in the TPS through a number of factors. 

In this piece, I focus on Wortley and Jung’s work of racial disparities in arrests and charges. In this evaluation, they analyze nine areas including the following:

  • failure to comply with a condition, undertaking or recognizance;
  • obstruction of justice;
  • assaulting police;
  • uttering threats against the police;
  • cannabis possession;
  • other (non-cannabis) illegal drug possession;
  • out-of-sight driving offences (including driving without a valid license, driving without valid insurance, driving while suspended, etc.);
  • disturbing the peace; and,
  • trespassing

The study uses the population benchmark to evaluate the disparities within policing in Toronto. In this regard, Black Torontonians represent 8.8% of the population, while white Torontonians represent over 50%. The authors found that white suspects represented 45.5% of all charges, while Black suspects represented 32.4% of all charges. Using the population benchmark this would suggest that Black Torontonians are over-represented in overall charges (across the nine areas) in Toronto, as the percentage is nearly four times their population size. But the areas I found particularly concerning were cannabis possession and out-of-sight driving offences.

Racial Disparities in Cannabis Possession

In terms of cannabis possession, what was revealed is that Black Torontonians represent 37.6% of all charges. Yet, Black Torontonians only represent 8.8% of the population. What I’ve continually asked you to think about when reading these statistics is whether this disparity is indicative of discrimination. Realistically, this disparity could be interpreted in a variety of ways that would render discrimination irrelevant. Arguments in this line of interpretation could be that Black Torontonians simply consume cannabis at greater levels than white Torontonians or other racialized groups. But we don’t have data in the Canadian or Torontonian context to support this assumption. We do, however, have data from 2014 in the American context that indicates marijuana usage rates for Black and white people are nearly the same, with Black people representing 16% of the population who reported marijuana use, and white people representing just under 14%. It’s likely that in 2022 these rates are higher across all racial groups, partially because global sentiments towards marijuana have changed, not only making people more comfortable to try it, but more comfortable with admitting they use it.

The issue with this interpretation also embodies racial biases from the 1930s when Harry Anslinger suggested that marijuana was a violence-inducing drug primarily used by Black and Hispanic people. Much of this sentiment snowballed into the criminalization of cannabis in 1970 when President Nixon passed the Controlled Substances Act. And it was criminalized not only because of a lack of understanding, but because of what it signified. Cannabis being associated with Black people meant that because Black people were demonized and vilified, so was cannabis. And with the criminalization of the drug, targeting Black people became legal.

If we think critically about the statistic of marijuana consumption, I believe it paints a different story. Although we don’t have Toronto specific data on consumption rates of cannabis, it’s my opinion that this disproportionate number seems to reveal a targeted approach towards the Black community. Here, I could argue that even if 100% of Toronto’s Black population consumed cannabis, that would only represent about 400,000 people. We know it isn’t the case that 400,000 Black people are using cannabis. But if we maintain this number and equalize the number of white consumers to this, knowing that the white population represents nearly 2,000,000 people, this would mean 20% of the white population consumes cannabis. If we assumed this to be the case, one could argue that the outcomes in charges should be relatively equal, simply because equal amounts of people are consuming cannabis. But some external factors may change the amount of interactions police have with cannabis users. 

It could be the case that Black Canadians are more likely to consume cannabis outside in the open, increasing their likelihood to be charged, meaning white people and other racialized groups consume cannabis in their homes. It could be the case that Black people are more likely to have large quantities of cannabis, conveying an intent to distribute. Maybe the same people are being charged multiple times. But all of this hinges on the idea that 400,000 Black people are consuming cannabis, something we know can’t be true.  As we reduce the percentage of population that consumes cannabis, this means less interactions with Black people, and in all likelihood, significantly more interactions with white people. So, if we hold the rates for the US standard for Toronto, this would be 16% of the Black population (64,000) and 14% of the white population (280,000) are consuming cannabis. In this regard, I find it hard to believe that police officers are conveniently crossing paths with nearly 2/5 Black cannabis users despite representing approximately 8% of the population. It leads me to ask, where are they crossing paths with them? How are they crossing paths with them? Because in order for Black people to be charged at nearly 3.5 times their population size, TPS must cross paths with them more frequently. Writ large, the easiest approach to doing this is by targeting and over-policing Black communities.

Police officer conducts a traffic stop on a truck

Racial Disparities in Traffic Related Offences

In terms of traffic related offences, Black Torontonians make up 35.2% of out-of-sight driving offences—this being offences such as failing to update a driver’s license, or driving without insurance when no other offence was found. To be clear, I want you to understand that these are charges where there’s no clear reason to pull the driver over, and where the information or offence is only revealed after the driver is pulled over. Of course, one could ask, well, why are they driving without insurance or an expired license anyway? This point insinuates that had they had insurance or a valid drivers license that they wouldn’t have been charged. And logically, this is true; however, the issue with this logic is that what precedes the ability of TPS to find that the driver is offending in these ways, is the fact that the driver was pulled over without cause. Had they not been pulled over without cause, how would this information have been revealed? But what truly makes this problematic is that are certainly more individuals meet all of their legal mandates to drive. Yet, this practice allows for them to be stopped for no apparent reason and subsequently let go when no cause for a citation is found. Do you see the problem here? The ends simply don’t justify the means. So, if the police are allowed to engage in these practices it creates greater challenges than it does good.

For this reason, out-of-sight driving offences present as a discriminatory practice that encourages the over-policing of Black people. In order for “failing to update a driver’s license” (an out-of-sight charge) to be an individual’s single charge, this likely means that the police officer decided to conduct a traffic stop only after seeing the driver of the vehicle. Many have experienced this. For instance, my brother was once pulled over for no apparent reason and subsequently let go after they saw his license and registration. The explanation was ultimately that, “A lot of cars get stolen around here,” but they weren’t looking for a stolen vehicle. Another instance involved my mother. Years ago, she was driving home and a police officer made a U-turn to follow her and subsequently pulled her over, again, for no apparent reason. After finding no issues with license, insurance, and registration, he circled her car a couple times, and he found something—her license plate sticker was on the wrong side. I’m sure you know how that ended. And for these reasons the narrative of ‘driving while Black’ being a traffic violation seems to persist.

More research must be done to assess discrimination is the TPS, and to further assess the basis for the data. Despite the need for more research, it is my opinion that there are discriminatory practices within TPS. For more information, the full report can be accessed here.

Interested in learning more about Black experiences? Check out these resources related to the subject:

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